The Land Barons Versus Sabhuku Deal

The Land Question

In Zimbabwe today, there is a dangerous confusion happening in our communal and peri-urban areas. Two very different land problems are being lumped together under one name, and ordinary people are paying the price. 

On one side we have bureaucrats who are corruptly allocating land to land barons without following the law. On the other side we have communities who are simply following a centuries-old customary process with their traditional leaders. The state is calling both of them “illegal Sabhuku Deals.” That is not only unfair. It is also making the real problem worse.

Communal land 

First, we must be clear on the law and custom.

Communal land belongs to the local people. It is not state land, and it is not privately owned by chiefs. The government can only take communal land through the proper procedures set out in the Rural Land Act and the Expropriation Act of 1975. People who are displaced must be given alternative land or monetary compensation.

Traditional leaders: chiefs, headmen, and sabhukus, are custodians of communal land. They do not own it. They administer land matters on behalf of their communities. 

Traditional Change of Ownership of Land

This is how the system has worked for generations:

1.  If a person wants to give, sell or dispose of his piece of land, he advises the local traditional leadership.

2.  Ceremonial and traditional rites are observed. A token fee, a goat, or even a chicken is given to the traditional leaders to accept and confirm the transfer of ownership.

3.  The traditional leaders then forward the new land occupant’s name to the Rural District Council.

4.  The new occupant pays poll tax annually through the local traditional leaders.

That is a legitimate process. It combines custom with statutory record-keeping. It has kept order in our communities for decades.

  Land Barons vs Sabhuku Deals

The problem today is that bureaucrats are short-circuiting the system, and then blaming traditional leaders for it.

There are two different shortcuts happening:

1. The "Sabhuku Deal" narrative  

Government officials are labelling any customary transfer as an “illegal Sabhuku Deal.” But a true customary transfer is not illegal. It only becomes a problem when the sabhuku collects money and allocates a stand without ever sending the name to the RDC for approval. That is wrong, and traditional leaders themselves must be trained to avoid it.

2. The Land Baron deals of bureaucrats  

This is the bigger threat. Some bureaucrats are corruptly granting communal and peri-urban land to land barons without going through the Rural Land Act or Expropriation Act procedures. No gazetting. No consultation with RDC. No compensation. They bypass the law entirely, then when settlements grow, they call it a “Sabhuku problem” and order demolitions.

Conflating these two is what creates the mess. One is a failure to complete paperwork. The other is outright corruption.

 Peri-urban areas are not automatically state land

Another big misunderstanding: proximity to an urban area does not automatically make communal land state land. 

Areas around Murambinda, Birchenough, Watsomba and many growth points are still communal land until they are formally gazetted as part of the Growth Points. The Rural District Council is still supposed to plan and approve. But because planning capacity is weak, people build first, and approval comes later, if at all. Demolishing houses is not a solution. Training is.

The way forward: Training and Awareness

Instead of carrying out demolitions in communal areas, the government should invest in training local authorities and traditional leaders on the proper procedure to follow.

We need three things:

1.  Joint training for RDCs and traditional leaders.

 Clarify who does what. The RDC gives the legal right to occupy. The chief ensures it follows custom. They must consult and co-operate.

2.  Fast, transparent documentation.

Make it easy for a customary transfer to be recorded at the RDC within 30 days. If the process is slow, people will find shortcuts.

3.  Accountability for officials.

There must be clear penalties for bureaucrats and land barons who allocate land outside the law. When you cut out corruption at the top, you also cut the space that land barons operate in. And you protect communities who are just trying to follow custom.

Bottom line

Calling every customary transfer a “Sabhuku Deal” while ignoring corrupt allocations by bureaucrats is dishonest. The traditional system works. What is broken is the failure to respect it and to follow the law. 

If we want order in our land sector, let’s stop criminalising our culture. Let’s train our institutions, enforce the law equally, and protect communal land for the people it belongs to.

Ndini ndadaro mwana waSoroguru.... Musikavanhu vakabva Mapungubwe kunovaka Dzimbahwe!!!

P.S

COMMENTS ARE WELCOME

This blog is a work in progress, and I am still researching the relevant regulations and communal and traditional knowledge on land issue.

I welcome your comments on this issue

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THE Coup Hidden in the Amendments

 THE AMENDMENTS WAR

The great CAB3 war of 2025 and 2026 is drawing to a close. The outcome of the debate will not be what most ZANU-PF supporters expected. But the technocrats and bureaucrats at Jongwe House will certainly be pleased. It played out exactly as they planned. Those sharp minds at Shake Shake Building managed to slip in two key provisions that were never part of the original ZANU- PF Conference Resolution Number 1. The proportional representation clause and the traditional leadership clause were clearly inserted into the Bill. The party never passed a resolution on either of them.

THE REFERENDUM DODGE

The same strategists in ZANU-PF managed to navigate around the referendum requirement. Their explanations for avoiding a referendum were carefully crafted and legally and constitutionally sound. They argued that the 2013 Constitution is clear on when a referendum is needed, under Section 328.

 The test was whether CAB3 amends any clauses that the Constitution specifically protects with a referendum. The strategists, including the prodigal son Professor Jonathan Moyo, gave a firm "NO".

They stated that only three areas trigger a mandatory referendum: the Declaration of Rights, the Land provisions, and Presidential term limits. They told the nation that if an amendment touches those three areas, a referendum is mandatory. If it does not, the Constitution allows Parliament to use the two-thirds amendment process. On that basis, the issue was settled. 

The three amendments in CAB3 do not fall within the protected categories. From the Bill’s text, the answer is No.

THE CONSULTATION PROCESS

The opposition parties and press have branded the consultation process as unpopular, aiming to turn the people against the President. That has been a major problem for the strategists at Jongwe House. Yet the party has sold the amendments' legality and political aims to the general population, and sold them well. The consultations are done. ZANU-PF has managed to win public buy-in. It is now for Parliament to determine the Bill’s fate. The Bill will likely pass because both opposition MPs and ZANU-PF MPs stand to gain from the term extension. The masterminds at Jongwe House rolled a loaded dice, and everyone in the system played along.

THE COUP AND THE ONE PARTY STATE TWIST

Here is the most interesting part. The team at Shake Shake Building has not only extended power by two years but also sidestepped the 2028 general elections. That suits the Party. The strategists have effectively planned an executive coup disguised as a Bill. 

The power to remove the Executive now sits with the Legislature. Parliament can remove the President through a simple voting process. The President himself is walking on thin ice!!!

 Opposition strategists are uneasy because they will never command a majority in the Legislature. CAB3 will be the final nail in the opposition’s coffin. 

It will be a one-party state until 2030!!

Asante Sana!!